Browsing results for Chinese (Singapore)

(2006) Chinese (Mandarin, Singapore) – Particles (LEH)

黄囗盈 [Wong, Suet Ying] (2006). 新加坡华语会话中的语气词’leh’之硏究  [The ‘leh’ Particle in Singapore Mandarin]. BA(Hons) thesis. Singapore: National University of Singapore.

The abundant usage of particles in conversation is one of the most distinctive features of Singapore linguistic culture. It is typical for the conversations of Singaporeans to be littered with particles, whether they are speaking in English or Mandarin. These particles are loaded with pragmatic meanings. Many studies have been carried out throughout the years to explicate the meanings and functions they carry. However, the usage of such particles in conversation often makes no sense to foreigners.

Moreover, most studies have investigated the usage of particles in the context of Singapore English (Singlish) conversation, but are oblivious to the fact that the phenomenon is equally significant in Singapore Mandarin conversation.

This study looks at the particle leh in Singapore Mandarin conversation. Its aim is to investigate the inherent meaning of leh within the Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) framework, as well as the functions that come with the different lexical tones of leh, using data from natural conversation. Lastly, the phonetic changes of leh in Singapore Mandarin are also examined.

(2009) Singapore English, Singapore Chinese – Shared Chinese-based lexicon

Tien, Adrian (2009). Singaporean culture as reflected by the shared Chinese-based lexicon of Singapore English and Singapore Chinese. In T. Shabanova (Ed.), Humanistic inheritance of great educators in culture and education (pp. 71-74). Ufa: BSPU.


Research carried out by one or more experienced NSM practitioners

(2012) Singapore Chinese Hokkien – Evidence for an indigenized Singapore culture

Tien, Adrian (2012). Chinese Hokkien and its lexicon in Singapore: Evidence for an indigenised Singapore culture. In Rudolf Muhr (Ed.), Non-dominant varieties of pluricentric languages: Getting the picture. In memory of Michael Clyne (pp. 453-472). Vienna: Peter Lang.

More surveys of languages of Singapore have concentrated on Chinese Mandarin – one of the official languages – than any other Chinese “dialects” that are also spoken by at least some of the Singaporeans, notably Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese. In focusing on Singapore Chinese Hokkien, this chapter shows that (1) this dialect is, essentially, a pluricentric language, and its Singaporean version reflects a local or indigenized variety of Hokkien that exhibits differences with varieties of Hokkien spoken elsewhere, e.g. Taiwan; (2) at least for now, the status of Hokkien has remained more or less secure and has, in fact, continued to play a prominent role in Singapore language and culture, despite it being non-official and non-dominant; and (3) in fact, Hokkien has assumed an influential role in other languages spoken in Singapore, official or not, e.g. Singapore English (“Singlish”) and Singapore Mandarin etc. A case study presented here, based on the semantic analysis of a Singapore Chinese Hokkien lexicon, demonstrates the uniqueness of this lexicon in usage and in culture.


Research carried out by one or more experienced NSM practitioners

(2015) Singapore languacultures – Hokkien-based offensive language

Tien, Adrian (2015). Offensive language and sociocultural homogeneity in Singapore: An ethnolinguistic perspective. International Journal of Language and Culture, 2(2), 142-168. DOI: 10.1075/ijolc.2.2.01tie

Offensive language use in Singapore’s languacultures appears to be underpinned by cultural norms and values embraced by most if not all Singaporeans. Interviews with local informants and perusal of Singapore’s linguistic and cultural resources led to the identification of eight offensive words and phrases deemed representative of Singaporean coarseness. This set was narrowed down to a smaller set of common words and phrases, all Chinese Hokkien, all culturally laden. The finding that, although originally Hokkien, all of them are accessible not only to the Chinese-speaking population but also to speakers of Singapore Malay, Singapore Tamil, and Singapore English is compelling. The words and phrases studied in this paper are full-fledged members of the lexicon of these local non-Chinese languages, without loss or distortion of meaning. They are accepted as part of the local linguistic scene and of local cultural knowledge. At least in certain situations, people of different ethnic backgrounds who live and work together can rely on them as a testament of common identity which, in a curious way, gives voice to the sociocultural homogeneity this society unrelentingly pursues.


Research carried out by one or more experienced NSM practitioners

(2016) Chinese (Mandarin, Singapore) – ‘Can’

Wong, Jock (2016). The pragmatics of kéyĭ (“can”) in Singapore Mandarin. In Alessandro Capone & Jacob L. Mey (Eds.), Interdisciplinary studies in pragmatics, culture and society (pp. 857-876). Cham: Springer. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-12616-6_33

This chapter deals with the pragmatics of kéyĭ, the non-Standard Singapore Mandarin equivalent of English can. It describes some of the speech acts it is associated with and represents some of the associated speech norms in the form of cultural scripts formulated in Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM). It is hoped that the cultural scripts will facilitate a better understanding of the cultural values underlying the use of this word.

The chapter also contrasts some of the speech norms described in it with their English counterparts to highlight their culture-specificity. It further examines examples from standard Mandarin to explain their cultural significance. It is shown that speech acts are often culture-specific, and speech acts specific to one language (in this case, English) cannot adequately describe speech acts specific to another (in this case, Singapore Mandarin). The proposed solution is NSM, which can clearly explain Singapore Mandarin speech acts associated with the word kéyĭ and, in doing so, clarify the language-specific use of the Singapore Mandarin semantic equivalent of the English can.

A number of authentic examples are studied. They suggest that the relationship between Singapore Mandarin speakers is often marked by social obligations (among other things). These obligations have to do with priority given to what one is able to do over what one wants to do. Speakers tend to de-emphasize what one (either the speaker or someone else) wants to do and, in doing so, go against some of Grice’s maxims and Brown and Levinson’s politeness principles. Singapore Mandarin culture, which has a strong presence in Singaporean society, may thus be considered “collectivist”, which means that personal autonomy is not a high-ranking value and may not be something that people, at least among the older generations, are generally familiar with.

It is also noted that some of the Singapore Mandarin ways of speaking associated with kéyĭ have found their way into Singapore English, used also by non-Mandarin speakers, including native English speakers who have lived in Singapore for a substantial period of time. This observation seems to suggest that the speech norms in question are a Singaporean feature rather than merely a feature of Singapore Mandarin.

Explications are proposed for Singapore Mandarin phrases that can be loosely translated as ‘sorrowful’ (lit. ‘can sorrow’; kébēi), ‘lovely’ (lit. ‘can love’; kéài), ‘pitiful’ (lit. ‘can pity’; kélián), ‘suspicious’ (lit. ‘can suspect’; kéyí).


Research carried out by one or more experienced NSM practitioners